As Bangladesh erupted in euphoria over the triumph of the Gen Z revolution—as it has become known thanks to the protest movement led by young students and tweens—the Indian establishment watched the events that dismantled Sheikh Hasina’s 15-year-long regime with extreme caution.
Will Jamaat Benefit From The Gen Z Revolution?
After being underground for more than a decade, Jamaat-e-Islami is back on the political circuit, raising concerns for India
Regime Change: Protesters in front of the BNP headquarters during a rally in Dhaka Photo: AP
Regime Change: Protesters in front of the BNP headquarters during a rally in Dhaka Photo: AP
Alongside ordinary citizens from all walks of life, the protestors included members from the Jamaat-e-Islami (JeI) Bangladesh, the largest Islamist political party and its student wing the Islamist Chhatra Shibir (ICS). Shafiq ur Rehman, 65, chief of the JeI, was hailed on social media as the man behind the resistance movement. Known for its anti-India politics, allegiance to Pakistan, alleged links to jihadi terror groups and immense street power to cause violence, the involvement of JeI has given rise to the suspicion in India that the revolutions were backed by the Islamist party.
In 2011, Prime Minister Manmohan Singh vocalised the widely perceived threat from the JeI in an off-the-record conversation with journalists. The usually reticent Singh reportedly minced no words in his remarks, claiming that at least 25 per cent of Bangladesh’s population, which follows the JeI or the Jamaat as it is also known, was very anti-Indian and the Islamist organisation was in the clutches of Pakistan’s ISI (Inter-Services Intelligence). “The political landscape in Bangladesh can change at any time. We do not know what these terrorist elements, who have a hold on the JeI in Bangladesh, can be up to,” Singh was quoted as saying at the time.
As that dreaded moment of reckoning arrived on August 6, leading to the regime change in Bangladesh, many in India’s security and military establishment feared Singh’s prophetic remarks becoming the neighbourhood’s geopolitical reality. Prime Minister Narendra Modi has since underlined the safety of Hindu minorities twice in his statements on Bangladesh.
After being banned twice (in 1972 and August 1), and barred from contesting elections in 2013, the JeI finally opened the doors of its headquarters in Dhaka’s Bara Moghbazar, as it prepared to make a political comeback.
“The Bangladesh Jamaat is a staunch anti-India party, with a strong allegiance to the state of Pakistan. Ideologically, it is resistant to secularism and Western ideals of democracy and principally it is committed to establishing an Islamic welfare state in Bangladesh based on Sharia-compliant laws. These potent factors make it a serious concern for India,” says Mushtaq Sikander, a Kashmir-based scholar on Islamic revivalist movements.
“Now that the Jamaat is free to operate, we can expect it to raise its ante through statements against India, Kashmir, Palestine and the Ummah,” he added.
The JeI is one of the most influential Islamic political movements in South Asia with branches in India, Pakistan, Bangladesh, and Kashmir and a well-organised network in Europe and Gulf countries. The JeI’s branches have differing politics, for instance, contrary to Pakistan and Bangladesh, the Indian JeI supports a secular and democratic form of government.
Formed in 1941, the Jamaat’s history is rooted in pre-partition India when Syed Abul A’ala Maududi, a Muslim philosopher from Deccan Hyderabad, opposed the separation of Pakistan on Islamic principles. During the liberation war, they outrightly opposed the secession of East Pakistan and collaborated with the Pakistani military to brutally repress the freedom struggle of Bengalis. They formed auxiliary forces of volunteers called Razakars in Al Badr, Al Shams and the Peace Committee which helped in committing genocide. An estimated 3 million people were killed and 200,000 to 500,000 women were raped in a systematic military campaign, part of these unspeakable atrocities were committed by the Razakar forces.
For almost five years after independence, the JeI’s leadership campaigned internationally against recognising Bangladesh as an independent and sovereign State. They formed a ‘Purbo Pakistan Punoruddhar Committee’; to restore East Pakistan and merge it with mainland Pakistan.
The Jamaat evolved from the past of its murky history to become the ‘queen makers’ of Bangladesh in the early 90s. “The Bangladeshi JeI were wooed by both Hasina and her rival Khaleda Zia of the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) and they supported both these leaders to become the rulers in power,” says Dr Shreeradha Dutta, professor of International Affairs at Jindal University, Delhi.
Dutta, who specialises in Bangladesh and India’s neighbourhood politics, added that now that the phase of the queens is over following Hasina’s ouster, the JeI will have a political presence and will try to emerge as an alternative player to the Awami League and the Bangladesh National Party (BNP).
“In the face of the Awami League’s corruption and atrocities, Jamaat stands out as a clean party, it also has the sympathy from the public because they were singled out as political opponents,” he adds.
The Jamaat commands a minor vote share and has never managed to win over 20 seats in parliamentary elections.
The Jamaat came to power for the first time with the BNP to form the coalition government from 2001-2006. Its rule was marked by an immediate bloody onslaught against the Hindu minority and a surge in terror activities and extremism. Under its reign, the Jamaat ul Mujaheedin burst on the terror scene in August 2005, by carrying out synchronised explosions of nearly 500 bombs in almost every district. All seven members who were arrested in connection with the blasts had all been past members of either the JeI or its student wing, the ICS.
While Bangladesh faced a rising threat of Islamist extremism, its ties with India touched a new low over claims of the region becoming a sanctuary for Indian insurgent groups in the North East border region.
According to the Home Affairs Ministry, Northeastern insurgent groups active in Assam, Manipur, Tripura, Meghalaya and Nagaland, maintained cross-border links, procured arms, recruited, provided training to their cadres and conducted attacks in India.
“The ISI is extremely active in Bangladesh and it enabled the BNP-Jamaat government to provide shelter to Indian insurgent groups. Within Bangladesh, they were given patronage, food, rest and recreation. The military intelligence had information about the location of these camps in Bangladesh who were crossing into our border to wage a bloody insurgency,” recalls Dhruv C Katoch, Director of India Foundation and retired army general who was posted in Mizoram in 2001.
After being banned twice, and barred from contesting elections in 2013, the JeI opened the doors of its headquarters in Dhaka’s Bara Moghbazar.
“This was part of Pakistani ISI’s game plan to keep the northeast on the boil so that the Indian army would be forced to divert its focus from the Kashmir front and spend its energy here,” he further said.
Hasina made a comeback after winning the 2008 election and made counter-terrorism a major plank of her governance. The Awami League government’s zero terrorism policy and denying the use of its territory as a haven helped Bangladesh foster closer ties with India and the United States, which was waging the ‘War on Terror’ mission at the time.
Bangladeshi experts claim that Hasina promoted the narrative of the elimination of terrorism to commit grave atrocities and human rights violations against her citizens. “Awami League used the Jamaat as a lynchpin to crack down against her political opponents. Anyone who opposed the Awami League or criticised Hasina’s policies was labelled as Jamaat and detailed or harassed. She created a climate of repression in the name of Jamaat, justified excessive use of force with complete disregard to political and human rights.” says Mubashar Hasan, Bangladesh political expert based in Australia. “The Awami government overplayed the threat because it served Awami. League’s politics and helped Hasina to stay in power long term and be in the good books of India.”
Hasan emphasised that Bangladesh historically had a violent political landscape wherein all political parties have engaged in brutal killings and violence. On the radical front, JeI is no different than the Awami League and the BNP, he added.
While Bangladesh Jamaat has repeatedly denied any links with Islamist terror groups, its conservative ideology has inspired several individuals to be involved in terrorism. Former JEI and Chhatra Shibir members have joined Jamaat-ul-Mujahideen, Harkat-ul-Jihad-al-Islami (HUJI), the Al Qaeda-affiliated Ansar Bangla Team and other jihadi groups.
The 2012 US Congressional report pointed out that the Islamic Bank Bangladesh Ltd (IBBL) believed to be run by JEI was suspected of having terrorism links. The report claimed that the IBBL held the account of the Jago Mujahid publication of the HUJI group, focussed on anti-India operations.
Even when there’s no direct evidence of Bangladesh Jamaat carrying out jihadi activities against India, Katoch fears that now that the ISI-backed party is free to operate, it can create long-term repercussions for India’s external security. “There are three main security concerns. First, the Jamaat will try to force the Hindu minority out of Bangladesh, second, an influx of Bangladeshi Hindus and Muslims into India and third, destabilising the northeast region by reviving sanctuaries for the Indian insurgent groups within Bangladesh,” he said.
After the dismissal of the Awami League government, the army has taken over power and the student movement has formed an interim government headed by economist Muhammad Yunus to oversee the transition till the next elected government.
While the timing of the next elections remains uncertain, Indian experts fear that prolonged delays could destabilise the situation. With Hasina fleeing to India, Khaleda Zia’s BNP now leads the largest political party. Following the 2009 war crime trials, which resulted in the execution of six Jamaat leaders, BNP has attempted to distance itself from Jamaat and has formed a new coalition with smaller political parties. However, Katoch describes BNP and Jamaat as “conjoined twins” who will need each other to win elections and advance their respective agendas.
According to Bangladeshi expert Hassan, Jamaat can become a strong force if it reforms and rebrands itself on the lines of Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdo?an’s AKP or Justice and Development Party in Turkey and is open to new political ideas. The student-led revolution has shown that the people of Bangladesh reject authoritarian rule and are unlikely to undermine the newly attained freedom in favour of a conservative Islamist party like Jamaat, he said.
“The young generation of Bangladeshis ushered in the revolution without any political backing. They want a moderate, liberal and democratic Bangladesh. It will have space for all kinds of political parties, including the JeI. But going by the current trend, the future of Bangladesh is certainly not Islamic,” he summed up.
(This appeared in the print as 'Jamaat Raises Its Pitch')
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